Moroccoís Move to Democracy Serves as Example But Also Offers Lessons About Pitfalls of Change by Craig Mauro If one views U.S. policy in Iraq as the stick in President George W. Bushís strategy for promoting democracy in the Arab world, then Morocco could well represent the carrot. Over the past two years, the United States has mostly wielded soft power in a low-key manner as it solidifies ties with the North African kingdom. The two countries finalized a free trade agreement last June. In the same month, Bush declared Morocco a major non-NATO ally. The United States is doubling military aid to Morocco at the same time that it is quadrupling economic aid. Morocco was also the only new country chosen for the 2005 round of Millennium Challenge Account financing, the Bush administrationís new mechanism for distributing foreign aid based on a countryís record of sound policies. And in December, the Moroccan capital of Rabat hosted the first ìForum for the Future,î a U.S.-led effort to form a ìpartnershipî among countries in the region and the G-8 (group of eight nations) to promote reform. Moroccan Ambassador Aziz Mekouar, the kingdomís envoy to Washington since June 2002, does not hesitate to describe U. S.-Moroccan relations as ìexcellent.î ìWe always have had good relations, but now theyíre at the top level. There is more flesh on the bones,î explained Mekouar, who previously served as ambassador to Italy, Portugal and Angola. A constitutional monarchy, Morocco has one of the more peculiar political systems in the region. The country has had a multiparty parliamentary system for decades, yet the powerful monarchy still retains control over many major decisions and resources. The monarchy itself is also unique, one of only two in the Muslim world (the other is Jordan) that claims direct descent from the prophet Mohammed. That distinction affords the king broad popular support and makes him a unifying source of national pride. The seeds of democratization and reform had been planted in Morocco well before Sept. 11, 2001, changed how the world and the Bush administration viewed the Middle East. ìToday itís fashionable to talk about democratization here in Washington, but we started a long time ago,î said Mekouar. The process began in earnest during the later years of King Hassan IIís 38-year reign. Known as a forceful leader who was sometimes ruthless with opponents, Hassan set Morocco down the path of liberalization in the 1990s, freeing political prisoners, creating an upper house of Parliament and naming a prime minister from an opposition party. Hassan died in 1999 and his son, Mohammed VI, assumed the throne, proving in the next few years to be one of the most progressive monarchs in the Middle East and North Africa. In one of his first speeches as king, Mohammed laid out strengthening democracy and improving gender equality and human rights as priorities for his reign. He has for the most part followed up on his promises. Morocco held legislative elections in 2002 that were largely regarded as free and fair. In January 2004, the Parliament passed a new family law that establishes full equality between men and women, drawing heavily on passages from the Koran and the prophet Mohammedís teachings. ìNo one can say today that there is contradiction between Islam and equality between men and women,î said Mekouar. Also in January 2004, the king created the Equity and Reconciliation Commission. The first of its kind in the region, the commission is investigating and granting retributions for human rights abuses dating back to independence in 1956. Moroccoís progressógradual, not forcedócan serve as an example for reformists in the region, but the countryís experience also provides lessons about the pitfalls of change. In May 2003, Islamic extremists launched coordinated suicide bombings in Casablanca that killed more than 40 people. The attacks jolted the nation, exposing for some an extremist backlash to Moroccoís Western-oriented modernization and for others, the dangerous desperation that can cultivate itself in a largely young, poor population. The governmentís response to the attacks also generated criticism from rights activists. ìSome people thought that we were going to stop modernizing, but to the contrary we went quicker, not because this is what the outside world wants or because there is pressure from anybody,î Mekouar said. ìItís really home-bred. It is something that is coming from Moroccans themselves.î Since the Casablanca attacks, signs have emerged that Moroccans are playing an increasing role in global networks of Islamic militants. Many of the suspects arrested for the March 11, 2004, train bombings in Madrid were Moroccan immigrants, and last year, authorities in Italy, France, Belgium and the Netherlands broke up apparent terrorist cells composed mostly of Moroccans. Discussing the root causes of the Casablanca attacks, Mekouar shifts the focus to social and economic factors. ìWe have a young populationóI think 75 percent are under 35. They need jobs, they need education,î Mekouar explained. ìDemocracy is a very important thing because it gives you rule of law and transparency, but on the other hand if you donít have any economic wealth and development Ö what people want first is security and jobs, for themselves and their family.î The government, Mekouar said, believes that boosting trade and economic development are the means for resolving strains on societyóa strategy that is clearly being supported by the Bush administration. A survey released in December by Zogby International of 2,600 adults in five Arab countries, including Morocco, backs up that analysis. From a list of 10 reforms, respondents ranked expanding employment, improving health care and increasing access to education among the four most important reforms. Others such as expanding democracy and increasing political debate were at the bottom of the list. Zogby said there was no substantial difference in those rankings across age, gender or educational achievement lines. Since the Casablanca attacks, critics inside and outside Morocco have accused the government of backtracking in its human rights progress as it sought the perpetrators and introduced sweeping counter-terrorism legislation. In an October 2004 report, Human Rights Watch protested the treatment and interrogation of more than 2,000 suspected militants who were arrested, saying the government was undermining its own human rights advances. ìItís always difficult to protect people and human rights but on the other hand to make sure that you will not be targeted again [by terrorists],î Mekouar said. Still, he pointed out that Moroccoís Parliament passed a new law in December that criminalizes torture, defining it in accordance with international law. ìThat you have human rights organizations looking very closely at what is happening, that they can do and say whatever they want, that you have international organizations like Human Rights Watch and others come to Morocco and see openly whatís happeningóall this is positive,î the ambassador said. ìDid we backtrack? I donít think so,î he continued. ìWhat is certain is that weíre trying to do our best to stop any other bombing attacks from happening. But youíre always on the edge. You have to keep a balance between human rights protection and also protecting the society from terrorist attacks.î Craig Mauro is a contributing writer for The Washington Diplomat.