With Newly Elected President, Indonesia Trying to Curb Corruption by Michael Coleman From a public relations standpoint, the past five years havenít been very good to Indonesia. Terrorist bombings in Bali and Jakarta took hundreds of lives and produced thousands of headlines. A bloody clash with East Timor also resulted in bloodshed and triggered military sanctions by the United States. Indonesiaís economy has stumbled, leaving 10 percent of the workforce unemployed. Accusations of corruption continually dogged the government. But according to Indonesian and U.S. officials, the worldís fourth-most populous country is finally starting to generate good news again. Indonesia has a new presidentóelected by the general public for the first timeóand he appears to be taking dramatic steps to curb corruption. The conflict with East Timor is largely resolved, business reform is back on the government drawing board, and tourists are returning to the countryís stunningly beautiful beaches. Soemadi Djoko Moerdjono Brotodiningrat, Indonesiaís ambassador in Washington, said the president was elected with a 60 percent mandate but will face challenges in the Parliament. Still, he is confident that most government officials, regardless of party, are ready to roll up their sleeves and work together to bring Indonesia back to peace and prosperity. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyonoís Democratic Party, with only 57 seats out of 550 in the Peopleís Representative Assembly, is one of the smallest parties in the legislature. The presidentís effectiveness is likely to hinge on his ability to forge successful coalitions with the other factions. "We have a president who has a strong mandate from the people, but at the same time has strong political opposition in the Parliament," Brotodiningrat said. "It becomes a very curious political situation. But it should provide for good checks and balances." Yudhoyonoís ascension to the highest office in the land marks the fourth time that Indonesiaís people or Parliament has selected a new ruler since toppling President Suhartoís controversial and corrupt administration in 1998. Corruption has continued to plague the Indonesian government, but outside observers are hopeful that the country is finally taking the steps necessary to foster a more open and honest system. A top U.S. diplomat recently told a group of international scholars gathered in Washington that the U.S. government is encouraged by recent political events in Indonesia, but hurdles remain along the Asian nationís path toward becoming a full-fledged democracy. "Indonesia has experienced a dizzying series of changes since the fall of President Suharto in 1998, representing rather amazing progress in the countryís democratization," said Marie T. Huhtala, deputy assistant secretary of state, at a conference organized by the United States-Indonesia Society, the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. "With a vast, multi-ethnic nation and little history of democracy, Indonesia has faced a steep learning curve, but the results so far have been impressive," Huhtala added. "The country has experienced not one but four peaceful transitions, and this year it successfully conducted the first-ever direct election of its president." But Huhtala also warned that free elections are only a start. "Elections alone, however successful, do not in themselves constitute democracy," she said. "We envision an Indonesia that is democratic in the full sense of that termóa government that is transparent and accountable to its people, respects the rule of law, and protects the human rights of its citizens." President Yudhoyono, elected for a five-year term, is the dominant political figure in the nation. A charismatic former general who sings Filipino torch songs at political rallies and holds a doctorate in agricultural economics, Yudhoyono made corruption crackdown a hallmark of his campaign. Indonesia elected Yudhoyono in its first election by popular vote on Sept. 20, 2004. Before he took office, the national legislative body selected Indonesiaís president. In 1999, it chose Abdurrahman Wahid, often referred to as Gus Dur, as the nationís fourth president. But Wahidís leadership proved ineffective and lawmakers impeached him in July 2001. The vice president at the time, Megawati Sukarnoputri, took over as president, but she also stumbled in officeóat least when it came to tackling the top two concerns of the Indonesian people: corruption and the stagnant economy. In September 2004, Yudhoyono was elected as her replacement. "He said he would take the fight against corruption to the government, and of course, expectations are very high," Brotodiningrat said during an interview in the opulent Indonesian Embassy. "If we speak with our emotions we would like to see corruption be eradicated as soon as possible. But if we use cool heads then everybody realizes that eradicating corruption will take time." The ambassador said one of Yudhoyonoís first visible acts in office was to require that all new members of his anti-corruption commission submit records of their personal finances for inspection. "But there must be something more done that is very important, very drastic and very visible in the eyes of the public," Brotodiningrat said. "And being frank, this must happen very soon." The ambassador said corruption has been a "perennial problem" in the Indonesian government, but the malfeasance is not, in every case, a matter of theft. He said some of the corruption is institutional, and "corruption" sometimes means taking shortcuts on the job or using professional status to help friends and families. "It is not always because people by nature are thieves, but because our system produces a side effect in which corruption becomes very common," said Brotodiningrat, a career diplomat who served as ambassador to Japan and Micronesia and held posts in Jakarta, Brussels, Geneva and New York. "Corruption also means just not doing things according to the book. I hesitate to say it, but some of it is benign." Brotodiningrat said the new president will also strive to create a business climate that encourages more outside investment and trade with other nations. American exports to Indonesia in 2003 totaled $2.5 billion, down sharply from $4.5 billion in 1997. Indonesia is currently the 35th-largest export market for U.S. goods, according to the U.S. Department of State. The main exports are construction equipment, machinery, aviation parts, chemicals and agricultural products. U.S. imports from Indonesia in 2003 totaled $9.5 billion and consisted primarily of clothing, machinery and transportation equipment, as well as petroleum, natural rubber and footwear. The ambassador said investment and exports would improve if his country revises its business laws to create more accountability and certainty. "Everybody in Indonesia knows, including the president, that to attract this new foreign investment we should spare no effort in improving our business climate," he said. "We must offer a climate that is more competitive." U.S. officials have said investment laws must be made clearer, for example. The United States and Indonesia signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement in 1996. The language provides a basis for more extensive trade discussions between the two countries, and Indonesia has recently taken significant steps to uphold intellectual property rights, a move U.S. officials had been pressing for. "Many companies are reluctant to go to Indonesia because of the extremely uncertain legal system," Huhtala said in her speech to international scholars in Washington in late November. "They want respect for the sanctity of contracts, a clear and fair tax system, and most of all they want to do business in an atmosphere free of corruption." Unemployment in Indonesia currently hovers at about 10 percent, and nearly 2 million more young people enter the job market every year. New investment could help generate the jobs that these new potential workers need, the ambassador said, noting that Indonesia needs to start budgeting money to fix its roads, bridges and dams, as well as its technology grid. Beyond corruption, the United States has a keen interest in how Indonesia deals with what appears to be the growing role of radical Islam in the countryís culture and politics. Indonesia has more Muslims living within its borders than any other country in the world, and over the past several years, terrorists have detonated bombs that spilled the blood of hundreds in Bali and Jakarta. Some observers say conservative religiosity has begun to pervade certain customs and traditions. For instance, beer is still sold in Indonesian markets, but an inc reasing number of headscarves are seen among the women shopping there. The ambassador, himself a progressive Muslim, said he suspects that Americans misperceive Indonesia as an Islamic state. "We are the largest Muslim-populated country in the world Ö but we are not an Islamic country," Brotodiningrat said, repeating himself for emphasis: "We are not an Islamic country." The country has established an anti-terrorism unit in its law enforcement agency, a development welcomed by U.S. officials. Brotodiningrat said the country wants to wage an effective battle against terrorism but does not view it as a top-tier concern. Corruption and the economy, for instance, rate higher. "If you rate it on a scale of one to 10, terrorism is maybe a six," he said. Brotodiningrat also pointed to what he called a sense of resentment among some Indonesians because of what some perceive as double standards imposed by the U.S. government in dealing with his country. For example, Indonesia garnered a travel warning from the U.S. State Department when terrorists killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists, in a Bali nightclub in 2002, but the 2003 train bombings that killed 190 in Madrid, Spain, didnít result in similar action by the U.S. government. "Sometimes there are statements or actions taken by the United States that are perceived as anti-Islam, and this is brought up from time to time," Brotodiningrat explained. "Sometimes if you are Indonesian you get more scrutiny." He added: "There are always problems in every relationship." According to the ambassador, tourism is beginning to pick back up, especially among business travelers. "The feedback I receive is that they donít feel any threats or have any feelings of being overly scared, but if I say that, people say, ëYou are paid to say that,í" Brotodiningrat said with a huge laugh. "Please ask those businessmen and Americans who visit Indonesia." U.S. government officials simply hope the country, which they view as a linchpin for Asian security, can keep its government out of the hands of radical Muslims. "We believe that as the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia has a key role to play in demonstrating the virtues of tolerance and mutual respect in a diverse, multi-ethnic polity," said Huhtala. "The ability of so many Muslims to thrive economically and pursue a democratic, just society shows the way forward for Muslim and multi-religious societies throughout the world." Brotodiningrat said Indonesia has been frustrated by the U.S. governmentís unwillingness to help equip its military with weapons. Congress cut off grant military training assistance (called International Military Education and Training, or IMET) to Indonesia in 1992 in response to a Nov. 12, 1991, incident in East Timor in which Indonesian security forces shot and killed East Timorese demonstrators. The restriction was partially lifted in 1995, but the military assistance programs were suspended again when East Timor erupted in violence and destruction following a 1999 vote by the people of East Timor to separate from Indonesia. "If we cannot buy weapons from the United States, then so be it, we can buy from somewhere else," Brotodiningrat said. "But itís not good to think that way. As one who is expected to be a bridge between the two countries, I do not want to think that way. "We know that violations of human rights in the past was wrong, and now we are trying to correct it," he continued. "We have done a lot, but we try to look forward. For us, the most important thing is that we donít return to the old ways." Brotodiningrat said Indonesia and East Timor have settled their differences and are coexisting peacefully now, albeit with a sense of regret about the violence that occurred five years ago. He said the countryís political leadership seems intent on preventing the human rights abuses that marred its international reputation in the past. "We know these perceptions hurt," he said. The ambassador, whose three-year term is drawing to a close this year, said he hopes his as-yet undesignated replacement will continue to try to educate Americans about the people and politics of his country. He believes his nation is among the most misunderstood in the world. "For the majority of people in the United States, their knowledge of Indonesia is not enough," he said. "Because their knowledge is limited, they are more [vulnerable to accepting] one-sided news from the media. They do not have a comprehensive view of the country." Brotodiningrat said he is gratified that his country is taking important steps to reform its governmentósteps that he believes will eventually transform Indonesia into one of the worldís major political and economic players. But he also advised patience. "Our reform, both politically and economically, is not a 100-yard dash," he said. "Itís a long haul, a 10,000-meter race or even a marathon. Please look at us in that context and not as a snapshot only of a certain given moment. "The direction is clear, but it is going to be a long march." Michael Coleman is a freelance writer in Washington, D.C.