In her own way, Sydykova—a graduate of Moscow State University’s college of journalism—helped get rid of Akayev. “I first met him when he became president in 1990. I liked him a lot,” she said of the former president. “But in 1995, he sued my newspaper, Respublica, which was one of the first independent newspapers in the country, for slander, and deprived me of the right to practice journalism. That’s when I realized that his words were in contrast to his actions. He declared that he was in favor of a free press and that everybody could express themselves freely. But in reality, he was the first one who opposed those things. I was kind of naïve for believing in him.” Sydykova said she came to understand that through her newspap er, she could contribute to the struggle against Akayev. That struggle was led by President Bakiyev, 55, who in a speech to reporters, hailed last month’s election as “without exaggeration, a victory for our people and the revolution of March 24.” Yet Bakiyev and his supporters might be guilty of exaggeration anyway. The official voter turnout of 74 percent seemed suspicious to many foreign monitors, including Kimmo Kiljunen, head of the observer mission for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), who estimated the actual turnout at 58 percent. “The turnout changed quite dramatically at the end,” Kiljunen told the Washington Post, adding that the 74 percent figure seemed implausible. “It wasn’t that high at any of the polling stations we visited, though it certainly exceeded 50 percent. If it hadn’t, then none of the current candidates would have been able to run again, and that would have been a real disaster,” said the observer we spoke to, adding that “changes were made on the voters’ lists that made it possible to inflate the turnout.” Yet Sydykova insists on the 74 percent figure. “I believe this is a true number,” said the ambassador, who speaks Kyrgyz, Russian, Turkish and limited English. “You have to remember how many people rose up in the March revolution. People were absolutely tired of not participating in the decision-making process. That’s why we had such a big turnout. People finally had the chance to participate.” Bakiyev’s immense popularity stems from his credentials as a leader of the uprising against Akayev. He is also a former prime minister with experience, which is something his five rivals lacked. “He’s very soft-spoken and soft-mannered, a very intelligent person. He came from the manufacturing sector, starting as a worker, then an engineer,” Sydykova said. “He might not be that eloquent as Akayev, and that’s why—judging from his background and his character—we’re not afraid that he’ll turn into a dictator.” Sydykova lives in Washington with her husband Giias, an attorney. The couple has a son currently studying in Florida. As ambassador, she heads one of the smallest Washington missions of any of the former Soviet republics. The embassy has only six diplomats, compared to the 30 diplomats working at the large U.S. Embassy in Bishkek. Sydykova said that her predecessor, Baktybek Abdrissaev, who had been in Washington since 1996, was part of the old guard that identified with Akayev and his autocratic style of leadership. “I cannot say that I have anything personal against [Abdrissaev], but as you know, the ambassador represents the government of his country,” she said. “If Akayev was a dictator, then the ambassador represented that dictatorship.” As for Akayev, she said, “He’s in Moscow now, giving interviews all over the place, and he’s opened his own Web site. Nobody forced him into exile. He fled the country voluntarily. But I think he’s very detached from the reality in Kyrgyzstan.” Bakiyev, meanwhile, has his work cut out for him. Following his scheduled inauguration on Aug. 10, the new president plans on visiting the United States in September to discuss with U.S. leaders, among other things, the battle against al Qaeda terrorists. The subject is a familiar one in Kyrgyzstan. In 1999, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU)—listed by the State Department as a terrorist organization—launched several attacks into southern Kyrgyzstan. Two years later, the Kyrgyz government gave permission for the Pentagon to build a large air base at Manas International Airport, about 19 miles outside of Bishkek and only 300 miles from the Chinese border. When completed, some 3,000 U.S. troops will permanently be stationed at the 37-acre facility, known as Ganci Air Base, along with two dozen fighter jets and support aircraft as part of the ongoing battle against terrorism. “By the time 9/11 happened and the coalition forces were created, we were ready to join those forces and the global war on terrorism,” Sydykova said. Another challenge is fighting corruption, which seems to be endemic to the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. “When people elect a new president, they don’t realize that they’re electing a dictator. The politicians all say beautiful words, but in my country the major problem is corruption, and we will do everything in our power to fight corruption.” She added that “all the immediate members of Akayev’s family were involved in corruption schemes, and he was enriching his family. He also promoted two of his children to the last parliament.” The Kyrgyz Embassy occupies a four-story building along Wisconsin Avenue. But the building is too small, and Sydykova said she’s likely to move the mission to Embassy Row, along Massachusetts Avenue. That move could come as early as December. “I would like to build a bridge to the United States,” said Sydykova, stressing that she sees the United States as an example for Kyrgyzstan to follow. “I came here right after independence as a journalist, and one of the people who brought the seeds of democracy from the U.S. to Kyrgyzstan. “On the institutional level, there’s a real balance here between the branches of power, a strong civil society and strong governance. I consider the United States a real democracy. In my country, we didn’t have a true democracy because all the power was concentrated in the hands of one branch of government.” But things will improve, she promises, telling us that “people who lost hope now have big expectations for change.” Larry Luxner is a contributing writer for The Washington Diplomat.